Another "who would you vote for in this scenario"

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As some of you may know, there was an idea to start a Mock Parliament in a fictional Atlantic nation known as Antillia. Sadly, it doesn't seem to have worked well, but people wrote some good background information. For fun, I decided to use the created island and some of its geographical features to make a micronation of my own, also known as Antillia. However, I made it a French-majority nation, nearly 90% French (and 10% English). I haven't worked out the history of Antillia, but I have however written a bit on its current political makeup and general demographics (including a few maps).

I've written up a lot on the political parties, so here is a brief description. If there's interest, I'll post more. I also tried to roughly calculate the PM scores for the party, based on their 2008 platforms and the majority line. Obviously, it might not be very accurate as some issues don’t apply to Antillia (abortion is a non-issue: it was legalized in 1966 by the reformist UDC government).

The parties are ordered by the number of seats won (more on elections if there is interest)

Conservative Party (Con, PCA) The Conservative Party of Antillia was founded in 1922 on the ruins of the former Party of the Right. While at first attracting traditionalist Catholics as part of its coalition, its support with staunch Catholics diminished with the birth of the Union of the Centre in 1930. The Conservatives quickly emerged as one of the two governing parties with Labour (with the exception of the Union of the Centre from 1964 to 1968). It reached its low in the Labour era of the '80's, but rebounded to a high in 1992.
The Conservatives represent moderate, modern, suburban conservatism. It tends to take centrist stances (or none at all) on social issues, but it is interventionist in foreign affairs and is neoliberal in economic affairs and the strongest proponent of laissez-faire economics. It is also a strong supporter of free trade. The party has two main factions: a traditional right-wing one, which is socially conservative; and a newer progressive wing, which is increasingly socially liberal.
The Conservatives draw their support from a broad coalition. In most provinces, their base is formed by farmers in rural areas, and the suburban (with some urban) wealthy. In some provinces, it now draws support from traditional younger professionals, who are also social liberals.
PM: +3.6, +3.0

Labour Party (Lab, PT) The Labour Party was founded as a congregation of left-wing action groups, pacifists, and trade unionists in 1923. At first a fringe communist party, it expelled radicals in 1927 and became, with the Conservatives, a "natural" governing party. Until the '80's, Labour was seen as a white populist party. Its support was strongest in the '80's, but it collapsed in 1992. It has since seen its fortunes improve rather quickly, as Antillia is quite anti-incumbent.
Labour is a modern social democratic party. It is seen as socially liberal, but rarely takes strong stances on social issues. The main internal division within Labour has traditionally been over economics and has been at the core of internal party conflict in the '70's. The current leadership favours free trade (Labour's platform in 2008 favoured "free but fair trade") and generally internationalist.
Labour’s base is divided between historical social democrats, the traditional base; urban/suburban "left-liberals"; and finally unionized workers from the General Union of Antillian Workers (UGTA) trade union. It does well in most urban areas, industrial areas with a high UGTA membership, and some rural populist areas, leftovers from the party's populist days.
PM: -3.6, -1.6

Socialist Union (Soc, US) The Socialist Union was founded in 1929 as the Workers Party of Antillia (PTA) by the radical and communist wing of Labour, expelled from the party in 1927. At first a fringe party with support only from radical miners, the party in turn threw out its most radical elements (Trotskyites and orthodox communists), but remained on the sidelines and the mainstream left and right imposed a cordon sanitaire around it. It was only in 1965, when the party removed its last revolutionary tendencies, did it become more mainstream and they finally entered government in 1972. The Socialist Union was the first party to be strongly in favour of equal rights for blacks. Since then, the party has grown fast, and achieved their best electoral results in 1992 and 2004.
The Socialist Union’s official ideology is democratic socialism since 1965. It has never taken a position on social issues, due its division between rural social conservatives (who are opposed to gay marriage and euthanasia) and urban social liberals (who support gay marriage and euthanasia). In foreign issues, it is generally seen as isolationist. It is strongly protectionist.
The Socialist Union draws its support from the Union of Antillian Workers (UTA), which is very closely linked to the party. Its historical base are miners and workers in heavy manufacturing. In urban centres, it receives high levels of support from the poor and also immigrants and blacks.
PM: -6.8, -0.9

Union of the Centre (UDC) The Union of the Centre was founded by traditional Catholics and centrist Christian democrats in 1930 and soon rose to become the party of (primarily rural) Catholics. However, by the '60's the party turned away from staunch social conservative positions (such as strong support for confessional education) with the election of Étienne Flandin to the leadership. Flandin, sole UDC Prime Minister of Antillia, in power from 1964 to 1968, led a reformist and socially liberal agenda. In the 1970s, the influx of Radicals transformed the UDC into an even more secular, multi-confessional centrist liberal party. It has since lost lots of social conservative support to the Conservatives and has seen its results drop in elections.
The party is seen as moderately socially liberal and economically liberal since the '70's and has often been the most supportive of governmental and constitutional reforms. Its two main factions are the so-called "radicals", urban social liberals and economic neoliberals, and the "tradtionalists", neutral on social issues but economically liberal.
The UDC's base is a strange mix. On one hand "moderate" Catholics and Catholic farmers; and young, urban liberal professionals on the other. Since its movement to the left, it has attracted more and more young voters, especially in college towns. Its stronghold remains the province of Arcadie.
PM: -0.9, +0.9

The Greens (Grn, Verts) The Greens were founded in 1992 by various pacifists, ecologists, and environmentalists. The Greens have failed to make a large breakthrough nationally, even though they have made some important gains provincially. In 2004, it entered the Labour-led government with its leader and sole MP as Minister of the Environment. In 2008, it agreed to prop up a Conservative government, after falling out with the left-wing government.
The Greens are the most socially liberal party, with strong support for euthanasia and gay marriage. However, in economic matters, the party is closely divided between liberals and protectionists. The current leadership is slightly protectionist.
The Greens draw their support from young professionals, ecologists, and social liberals; most concentrated in urban or suburban areas. It has little or no support in rural areas.
PM: -4.8, -4.7

The Radicals (Rad) The Radicals were founded as a secular centre-right liberal party in 1945. However, it received only 2 to 4 percent support in elections and many Radicals left the party to join the centrist Union of the Centre in the '70's, and in turn liberalized and secularized that party. The remaining Radicals are currently a fringe party at best with minimal party structures. Its leader, Charles Freycinet, holds his seat only through an electoral alliance with the Union of the Centre.
The party is socially liberal and neoliberal in economic affairs. It is considered on the centre-right of the political spectrum. On economic matters, it is considered the most pro-free trade party. In foreign issues, it is strongly internationalist.
The little support the Radicals attract comes from social liberals and young urban professionals.
PM: -0.39, -4.0

Coalitions:

*Union of the Right and Centre: Con, UDC, Rad
*Coalition of Left: Lab, Soc
*Independent of coalitions: Grn (supports centre-right)

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Bump.

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I was going to vote Green, but I don't really want to support the center-right coalition, so Socialist Union, in the urban wing of the party. Having both a social democratic and democratic socialist party seems a bit redundant though.

There are ideological differences between Labour and the Socialists. I outlined a few of them. The major one is on economics, but they're also miles apart on foreign policy. Labour is internationalist, and is hawkish depending on the leadership. It supported adhesion to the WTO. The Socialists are isolationists, and were opposed to joining the WTO and they originally opposed joining the UN in the '60's. Labour supported World War II, the Socialists (PTA as they were known then) was the only anti-war party and was not part of the wartime National Union (Conservatives, UDC, Labour coalition).
Then, there's also a trade union rivalry between the UGTA (Labour) and the UTA (Socialist).

BTW. Any interests in some maps and election results? I've got a few. 

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Maps tonight if I have time. If not, then tomorrow.

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Time for a few maps.

First, here's a general map with province names and their capitals



A linguistic map



Industry map. Miners are included in manual workers, as are those employed in manufacturing and those employed in fishing manufacturing industries (canning, processing etc). Agriculteurs include farm workers.




The 2008 election



Conservative 34.12% (+0.26%) winning 49 seats (+4)
Labour 27.69% (-0.96%) winning 41 seats (2)
Socialist 18.65% (-1.33%) winning 27 seats (-2)
Union of the Centre 16.44% (+1.33%) winning 19 seats (-)
Greens 2.34% (+0.80%) winning 1 seat (-)
Others 0.44% (-0.32%) winning 0 seats (-)
Radicals 0.32% (+0.22%) winning 1 seat (-)
Swing from Lab to Con of 0.68%
Union of the Right and Centre 50.88% (+1.81%) winning 69 seats (+4)
Coalition of the Left 48.68% (-1.49%) winning 69 seats (-4)
Others 0.44% (-0.32%) winning 0 seats (-)

Direct vote for President (in which coalitions run one common candidate)



Fréderic Myard (Coalition of the Left) 46.89%
Michel Morin (Union of the Right and Centre) 53.11%

Here is 2004



And here is a map of the provincial legislatures constituencies



I wrote a lot of detailed analysis on this stuff, so if you have any questions about the electoral maps, fire away.

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Bump. I think I'll post more stuff this weekend since I feel like it.

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I'd like to see you put more stuff out.

Interested in anything particular?

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Socialist union

Why not Labour?

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Revised linguistic stats: Now (this is a rough estimate based on a mathematical average of all provinces and non-mathematical weight of each province) French 79% / English 21%.

Arcadie
French 92%
English 8%

Côtes-du-Nord
French 98%
English 2%

LeGran
French 95%
English 5%

Lorient
French 90%
English 10%

Mont-Neuville
French 96%
English 4%

Presque Isle
French 62%
English 37%
Others (Caribbean and West African languages) 1%

Richelieu
French 67%
English 32%
Others (Caribbean and West African languages) 1%

Saint-André
French 95%
English 5%

Valjean
French 71%
English 29%

Victoria
English 56%
French 44%

Wellington
English 71%
French 29%

Revised map:

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Socialist union

Why not Labour?

SU is more socially liberal, isn't it ? Economical issues are important but I can't bear social conservatism.

No one party is more socially liberal than the other, actually. Both parties have important social liberal factions, but both also have important socially conservative factions. Therefore both are practically neutral. Neither party took a stance on the defeated 2008 gay marriage referendum. Labour officially supports euthanasia now, while the Socialists are neutral.

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I'm unhappy that you didn't made a major party who was clearly progressive on both issues.

It's not like social issues are that big of an issue. Abortion is legal since 1966, and attempts to repeal the Abortion Act under a Conservative government failed epically. Civil unions are legal since the '90's, though gay marriage is still an issue. Really, the only two issues are gay marriage and euthanasia (which will probably be legalized soon).

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Provincial legislatures

Arcadie
UDC 50.32% / 18
Tories 21.12% / 7
Labour 19.74% / 7
Greenies 4.53% / 1
Radical 2.11% / 1
Socialist 2.07%
Others 0.11%

Côtes-du-Nord
Socialist 59.7% / 14
Labour 22.42% / 8
Tories 13.45% / 1
UDC 2.45%
Greenies 1.11%
Rads 0.65%
Others 0.22%

LeGran
Socialist 42.12% / 14
Tories 25.81% / 10
Labour 25.43% / 8
UDC 3.21%
Greenies 2.55%
Rads 0.64%
Others 0.24%

Lorient
Tories 38.65% / 7
UDC 28.43% / 4
Labour 28.2% / 4
Greenies 2.84%
Socialist 1.12%
Rads 0.76%

Mont-Neuville
Labour 29.14% / 6
Tories 25.63% / 4
Socialist 22.11% / 2
UDC 21.35% / 2
Greenies 1.32%
Others 0.34%
Rads 0.11%

Presque Isle
Labour 43.22% / 8
Socialist 23.46% / 3
Tories 21.75% / 2
UDC 6.34% / 1
Others 3.55%
Greenies 1.54%
Rads 0.14%

Richelieu
Labour 27.64% / 23
Tories 24.29% / 20
UDC 18.75% / 12
Socialist 17.54% / 11
Greenies 10.35% / 3
Rads 1.11%
Others 0.32%

Saint-André
Tories 53.22% / 15
Labour 24.53% / 6
UDC 16.52% / 5
Socialist 3.2%
Greenies 2.21%
Rads 0.32%

Valjean
Labour 31.12% / 11
Tories 27.65% / 7
UDC 26.63% / 5
Greenies 7.86% / 1
Socialist 5.41%
Rads 0.68%
Others 0.65%

Victoria
Tories 45.74% / 13
Labour 36.86% / 9
Greenies 6.54% / 1
UDC 6.43% / 1
Others 0.32%
Socialist 1.11%

Wellington
Tories 53.23% / 7
Labour 28.81% / 4
Greenies 10.34% / 1
Others 4.32%
UDC 2.34%
Socialist 0.98%

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Antillia Project Wiki!

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Bumping, because I miss this.

Sure. I doubt anyone cares, but I care, so that's one person. Anyways, here are some facts on constituencies:

First off, Arcadie.



1 (Saint-Jacques-de-l'Arcadie) Held by the Conservatives since 1968, it is a traditionalist conservative constituency and a base of the Christian right in Arcadie. It differs from other rural constituencies in the province not only by its political colour but also its social conservatism and isolationist tendencies. There is some remnants of UDC support in isolated farming communities and Labour is getting stronger with the suburban growth of Charlesville to the south.

2 (Saint-Jacques Ouest) The riding is similar to the 1st constituency, although it is even more solidly Conservative due to the lack of significant suburban communities, although the south of the constituencies are part of the greater agglomeration of Charlesville. And those exurbs vote Conservative, not Labour.

3 (Rivière Blanche) Large rural constituency dominated by moderate Catholic herders and farmers in the high plateaus of Arcadie. Remains loyal to the UDC due to the strong implantation of centrist political dynasties in the whole of the region (although the constituency is far from being as socially liberal as the UDC is nationally).

4 (Valmont) New district created in 2000 due to the suburban sprawl of Richelieu in the south. Most of the constituency, or atleast the south, are now residential exurbs of Richelieu. These communities are socially liberal and economically conservative. The Conservatives are gaining relatively rapidly in these communities and also in rural communities.

5 (Arcadie Sud) A constituency almost identical to 3 (Rivière Blanche). Though not much herding in the plateaus, but a lot more farming and an old dairy industry. Increasingly influenced by the next-door Conservative dairyland in Lorient (more later).

6 (Les Collines de l'Arcadie) A vast constituency which is still somewhat ideologically coherent. The south of the constituency is similar to constituency 3 or 5, and is still dominated by centrist family dynasties. The northern fringe of the constituency includes very de-Christianized secular working-class suburbs of Charlesville which are something like 50-60% Labour. The community of Saint-Marc-de-l'Arcadie in the centre of the constituency is an old industrial town (very devoutly Catholic, mind you) but has become an important retirement community in the beautiful rolling hills of the areas.

7 (Vallées) Used to be a farming constituency similar to Arcadie Sud but has become the outer suburbs of very liberal Fort Rochier and there is also a significant retired population, which gives the Conservative Party a sizable share of the vote. It also includes the exurbs of Charlesville.

8 (Fort Rochier-Nord) The constituency of Radical leader Charles A. Freycinet, which he wins as the sole candidate of the centre-right coalition. The bulk of the Radical vote comes from the suburbs of Fort Rochier and also the remnants of a once-thriving agricultural sector (which would vote Conservative if they could). Labour is a strong party, and it is also the Socialist's strongest Arcadian constituency (not saying much, the Socialists are worth 1-2% in Arcadie). Labour is strong in the old secular mining constituencies in the west along the border with Mont-Neuville.

9 (La Grange) A sociologically diverse suburban constituency of Charlesville held by the Conservatives since the UDC's 2004 rout. The outer areas of the constituency are socially conservative and much older than the provincial average age and most precincts there gave the Conservative candidate 50-60% of the vote. The areas closest to downtown Charlesville (some of which are actually part of the City of Charlesville) are Labour strongholds, due partly to industry and also to the implantation of the General Union of Antillian Workers (UGTA), the trade union closest to the Labour Party.

10 (Charlesville Nord-Ouest) Old affluent suburban community of Charlesville which is economically conservative. Unlike La Grange, there is little Labour support but more UDC support (they held the seat until 2004) in the very wealthy socially liberal areas.

11 (Fort Rochier Ouest) A diverse suburban constituency of Fort Rochier divided between liberal suburbanites who vote UDC and poorer working-class areas which are quite solidly Labour. The Greens are an emerging force in the constituency, which is home to the Provincial College, a very liberal college. The Greens' seat in the provincial legislature is part of the constituency nationally.

12 (Fort Rochier Centre) The metropolitan constituency of Fort Rochier, a city with a large student and middle-class public function/services (or any white-collar job, basically) population, the UDC has kept its lock on the votes of the liberal students and wealthy adult population.

13 (Fort Rochier Est) The constituency is the narrowest of the 3 urban Fort Rochier seats, although it is held by the UDC (albeith by a 1% margin in 2008, 1.3% in 2004 and 2.9% in 2000). The constituency is quite diverse, including old manufacturing villages (very anti-clerical, solidly Labour) but also newer affluent suburban developments.

14 (Charlesville-Les Plaines) Charlesville-Les Plaines is one of the country's most affluent constituencies and is also home to the University of Antillia in Charlesville, which provides a voter base for the local UDC, which is socially liberal.

15 (Charlesville Nord) Charlesville Nord is an old manufacturing area and one of the birthplace of the UGTA, meaning that the poor and, since recently, ethnically diverse, constituency is one of Labour's safest seats in the country.

16 (Charlesville Centre) Once a wealthy city core, the constituency has suffered a loss of its wealthy population to the western and eastern suburbs and has become a relatively poor inner city area riddled by high crime, poverty and recent immigration. This has turned this once safe-UDC seat into a solid Labour seat.

17 (Charlesville Sud) Of Labour's three Arcadian seats, this one is the only one which can be classified as a marginal. It is quite diverse, divided between the 'old' rich who have lived in the area since independence and work in the city's various industry and college graduates and progressive 'yuppies' (styled as the 'new' rich). The former voted Conservative or UDC, the latter vote Labour. In recent years, Labour has often emerged on top thanks to the right's division between Conservative and UDC.

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Côtes-du-Nord



1 (Le Marseau) A solidly Socialist constituency which still has some iron and coal mines in operation to this day. Only the Conservatives are also relevant, in small farming villages on plateaus in the south and west.

2 (Sainte-Claire-des-Mines) A relatively solid Socialist constituency also dominated by old iron and coal mines, so of which are still in operation. The Conservatives have gradually being building up strength in the constituency, along the coast which has seen the implantation of Valjean retirees. There is also some Conservative and UDC support in isolated farming communities in the south.

3 (Villefranche-les-Mines) One of the country's most solid Socialist seat, it is dominated by either mines or old manufacturing factories.

4 (Le Cœur) Le Cœur is also a solid Socialist constituency, laying entirely in the coalfield of northern Antillie.

5 (Côte Saint-Antoine) Of the three northern coalfield constituencies, Côte Saint-Antoine is the most marginal one, though still a slam dunk for Socialists every election. Some old mines have starting closing, and have been replaced by wealthy coastal communities populated by retirees from Port-Audemer or Valjean.

6 (Port-Audemer Sud) Port-Audemer Sud is a suburban constituency of the provincial capital, Port-Audemer. The constituency is home to poor suburban communities dominated by heavy industrial infrastructure and manufacturing. However, two trade unions are well implanted: the Labour Party's UGTA and the Socialist-led Union of Antillian Workers (UTA). There is also some Conservative support in small fishing and farming communities on the low-lying coastal lands.

7 (Port-Audemer Centre) An entirely urban constituency, it is the wealthiest constituency in the province. It is dominated by public servants, service workers but very few manual workers or miners. Therefore, the seat is relatively solidly Labour, though the Socialists have managed to make inroads due partly to the important harbour but also due  to various road projects and construction grants made to local industrialists by the Socialist provincial government. There is some Conservative support in the wealthiest areas of the city (mainly the inner core) and Green support comes from these same areas but also the College of the Côtes-du-Nord campus.

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I saw you uploaded the LeGran map. Bumping this back onto the front page.

Yeah, I should post the stuff on LeGran tonight, if I'm not dead by then.

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I've been trying to estimate 2008 vote levels in Arcadie based on your descriptions, the map of the Presidential results, while aiming to get similar averages to the provincial results you posted. It's pretty tough. I'll try emailing it to you next week.

Wow, thanks. If you ever need any help on anything calculating that, please PM me. I should be able to help out.

LeGran



1 (Saint-Antoine) This long and thin constituency along the northern coast includes the industrial exurbs and old light manufacturing centres around Bras-sur-Mer. To the north, the constituency enters the Coal Country of LeGran. Socialist support is strong throughout, though Labour held the seat representing the area until 1992.

2 (Mines-Atlantique) A relatively solid Socialist constituency covering part of the Coal Country, with small isolated herding higher up in the mountains. There is limited Conservative support in small, new affluent coastal retirement communities. 

3 (Côte du Charbon) One of the most solid Socialist constituencies in the country, the second constituency is entirely located in the Coal Country. Neither Labour nor the Conservatives have constituency organizations in this area.

4 (Saint-Justin) A solid Socialist constituency which covers the southern portion of the old Coal Country, though it includes some farms in the valleys. The constituency is universally Socialist, though there is some Labour support in service-oriented towns.

5 (Mont LeGran) A sparsely populated constituency covering some old isolated coal mining villages as well as poor isolated farms and villages. There is a lot of protest voting in this very poor and 'forgotten' constituency, most of it is Socialist. After four years in government, the Socialists suffered a large swing against them (benefiting the Conservative and, ironically, the Greens, who polled 4.5%) in 2008.

6 (Vallée-des-Lys) A marginal constituency held by the Socialists since 2004, it can be split in two distinctive areas: the urbanized west of the constituency, dominated by old working-class manufacturing centres and the rural east, dominated by herding and light agriculture. The rural areas are Conservative, but low turnout in these economically-depressed rural areas (also 'forgotten', like Mont LeGran's rural areas) allowed the Socialists to win in 2004.

7 (Autain) A three-way marginal constituency similar to the sixth constituency, it follows a similar political divide. However, Labour is strong in Autain, a lower middle-class suburb of Bras-sur-Mer with an important immigrant population (from North Africa) and a lot of social housing units. The Socialists are stronger in the older white working-class areas and the Conservatives dominate the isolated rural eastern swathes.

8 (Autain-La Côte) Another marginal constituency between Conservatives and Socialist, Autain-La Côte is split between the affluent coastal suburbs of Bras-sur-Mer and its Victorian-style sumptuous mansions on one hand, and the city of Autain, which leans Socialist, on the other. This constituency is less diverse than the seventh, since it includes only the old white working-class areas of Autain.

9 (Bordeaux) The only Labour held seat in the province, the ninth includes the lower middle-class suburb of Bordeaux, which, unlike its neighbors, is not an old manufacturing centre and rather populated by people who commute to work in Bras-sur-Mer, a lot working for the provincial government. It also includes a large Algerian community and a lot of social housing.

10 (Marleux) Marleux is one of the poorest constituencies in the country, including the old working-class town of Marleux. The constituency is dominated by large factories, smaller light manufacturing centres and crime-ridden run-down apartment blocks. The constituency also has a significant black Caribbean population (17% English-speaking), which generally vote Socialist or Labour.

11 (Bras-sur-Mer Centre) Bras-sur-Mer is a bourgeois enclave in proletarian country, and has been since the 1950s as a lot of poorer inhabitants moved into the suburbs (Marleux and Autain) with the growth of heavy dirty industry there. The city of Bras-sur-Mer is known for its high housing prices and its exorbitant cost of living, so it is largely populated by affluent urbanites. The constituency votes Conservative, but a lot is a personal vote for its MP since the area is more and more socially liberal - voting for gay marriage in 2008.

12 (Bras-sur-Mer Nord) The twelfth includes the remaining industrial areas of the legal city of Bras-sur-Mer. Similar in demographics to Marleux, it is a solid Socialist seat. There is, however, significant gentrification in the prized coastal areas, where old shipping infrastructure is being replaced by condos.

13 (Saint-Emilien) A marginal constituency similar to the seventh constituency, though it is far more rural and farming is still a large industry. It does include some exurban industrial areas, mostly light industry related to agriculture. The rest of the constituency is isolated, conservative with herding and farming as main industries.

14 (La Côte Sud) A largely rural, socially conservative and agricultural area covered mostly by small independent farms and parcels of land used for herding. Along the coast, there are also small fishing communities. A universally Conservative seat, though the area elected a UDC MP in 1964.

15 (Plantations) The fifteenth is an isolated - and isolationist - rural conservative seat located up in the mountains similar in demographics and politics to the fourteenth constituency. It is dotted with small farming communities and isolated herding villages. It is also almost universally Conservative.

16 (LeGran Sud) The sixteenth remains largely similar to its neighbors, though it has seen some demographic evolution. There has been some urban growth in the valley in the south of the constituency, with the implantation of retirees or people seeking a countryside life in an idyllic landscape. The rest remains agricultural, with farmers or fishermen. The seat is solidly Conservative, though the implants in their valley are known for their 'awkward' social liberalism and environmentalism. The Greens and UDC both polled well here in 2004 and 2008.

Note: In LeGran, immigrants vote Labour while in Richelieu they vote Socialist. That's because the LeGran Socialist machine used to be quite nativist and white working-class, while in Richelieu, the Socialist machine is newer and less dominated by white working-class interests.